Kitajska je sprejela korake, ki so bili neposredno usmerjeni proti flotacijski liniji ameriškega imperija, saj se agresija na Venezuelo šteje za napoved vojne projektu večpolarnega sveta in skupini #BRICS.
Le nekaj ur po razširitvi novice o ugrabitvi predsednika Nicolása Madura je predsednik Xi Jinping sklical nujno sejo Stalnega odbora Političnega urada Komunistične partije, ki je trajala natanko 120 minut. Uradnih izjav ni bilo in diplomatskih groženj ni bilo; namesto tega je vladala tišina, ki predhodi nevihti, saj je ta seja sprožila tisto, kar kitajski strategi imenujejo »celoviti asimetrični odziv«, kot povračilo za agresijo, usmerjeno proti kitajskim partnerjem na zahodni polobli.
Venezuela velja za kitajsko mostišče v Latinsko Ameriko znotraj »dvorišča« Združenih držav.
Prva faza kitajskega odziva se je začela 4. januarja ob 9.15, ko je Ljudska banka Kitajske tiho napovedala začasno prekinitev vseh transakcij v ameriških dolarjih s podjetji, povezanimi z ameriškim obrambnim sektorjem. Podjetja, kot so Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon in General Dynamics, so se zbudila z novico, da so bili vsi njihovi posli s Kitajsko zamrznjeni brez predhodnega opozorila.
Istega dne je ob 11.43 kitajska državna elektroenergetska korporacija (State Grid Corporation of China), ki upravlja največje elektroenergetsko omrežje na svetu, napovedala celovit tehnični pregled vseh svojih pogodb z ameriškimi dobavitelji električne opreme – poteza, ki je v praksi pomenila, da se je Kitajska začela oddaljevati od ameriške tehnologije.
Ob 14.17 je kitajska nacionalna naftna korporacija (China National Petroleum Corporation), največje državno naftno podjetje na svetu, napovedala strateško reorganizacijo svojih globalnih dobavnih poti. To je predstavljalo ponovno aktivacijo »energetskega orožja« z odpovedjo pogodb o dobavi nafte ameriškim rafinerijam v vrednosti 47 milijard dolarjev letno.
Nafta, ki je bila namenjena na vzhodno obalo ZDA, je bila preusmerjena v Indijo, Brazilijo, Južno Afriko in druge partnerice na globalnem jugu. To je povzročilo 23-odstotni porast cen nafte v eni sami trgovalni seji.
Pomembnejše od skoka cen je bilo jasno strateško sporočilo: Kitajska je sposobna energično zadaviti Združene države brez enega samega strela.
V drugem koraku je China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), ki nadzoruje približno 40 % svetovnih zmogljivosti pomorskega prometa, uvedla tako imenovano »operativno optimizacijo poti«.
Posledično so se kitajske ladje začele izogibati ameriškim pristaniščem, kot so Long Beach, Los Angeles, New York in Miami. Ta pristanišča, ki so za vzdrževanje svojih dobavnih verig močno odvisna od kitajske pomorske logistike, so se nenadoma znašla brez 35 % svojega običajnega kontejnerskega prometa. To je pomenilo pravo katastrofo za velika podjetja, kot so Walmart, Amazon in Target, ki so odvisna od kitajskih ladij za uvoz blaga kitajske izdelave v ameriška pristanišča, saj so se njihove dobavne verige delno sesule v nekaj urah.
Najbolj presenetljivo pri teh ukrepih je bilo njihovo sinhronizirano izvajanje, ki je povzročilo kaskadni učinek, ki je močno okrepil gospodarski vpliv.
To ni bila postopna eskalacija, temveč sistemski šok, namenjen motenju ameriške sposobnosti odzivanja.
Še preden je ameriška vlada to novico sploh dokončno absorbirala, je Kitajska aktivirala nov sveženj ukrepov: mobilizacijo globalnega juga. 4. januarja ob 16.22 je kitajski zunanji minister Wang Yi ponudil Braziliji, Indiji, Južni Afriki, Iranu, Turčiji, Indoneziji in 23 drugim državam takojšnje preferencialne trgovinske pogoje za vsako državo, ki se javno zaveže, da ne bo priznala nobene venezuelske vlade, ki je prišla na oblast s podporo ali posredovanjem ZDA.
V manj kot 24 urah je ponudbo sprejelo 19 držav – Brazilija je bila prva, sledile so ji Indija, Južna Afrika in Mehika. Tako se je uresničil koncept »večpolarnega sveta v praksi«.
Kitajski je uspelo v trenutku oblikovati koalicijo proti ZDA, pri čemer je kot orožje uporabila ekonomske spodbude.
»Končni dotik« je prišel 5. januarja, ko je Peking aktiviral finančno orožje. Kitajski čezmejni medbančni plačilni sistem je napovedal širitev svojih operativnih zmogljivosti za sprejemanje vseh mednarodnih transakcij, s katerimi se želijo izogniti sistemu SWIFT, ki ga nadzorujejo ZDA. To je pomenilo, da je Kitajska svetu dala v roke popolno in učinkovito alternativo zahodnemu finančnemu sistemu. Vsaka država, podjetje ali banka, ki želi trgovati, ne da bi se zanašala na ameriško finančno infrastrukturo, lahko zdaj uporablja kitajski sistem, ki je 97 % cenejši in hitrejši.
Odziv je bil takojšen in prepričljiv: v prvih 48 urah delovanja je bilo obdelanih transakcij v vrednosti 89 milijard dolarjev, centralne banke 34 držav pa so odprle operativne račune znotraj kitajskega sistema, kar je signaliziralo pospešitev dedolarizacije enega najpomembnejših virov financiranja ZDA.
Na tehnološkem področju je Kitajska, ki nadzoruje 60 % svetovne proizvodnje redkih zemeljskih mineralov, ključnih elementov za proizvodnjo polprevodnikov in elektronskih komponent, napovedala začasne omejitve izvoza teh mineralov v vse države, ki so podpirale ugrabitev predsednika Nicolása Madura. Ta odločitev je vzbudila resno zaskrbljenost med ameriškimi tehnološkimi velikani, kot so Apple, Microsoft, Google in Intel, ki so odvisni od kitajskih dobavnih verig za bistvene komponente, saj so njihovi proizvodni sistemi zdaj grozili z zlomom v nekaj tednih.
Vsaka kitajska poteza zada neposreden udarec gospodarskemu srcu ameriškega imperija.
»Kaj je Kitajska storila za Venezuelo?« se sprašujejo tako prijatelji kot sovražniki. Predhoden je jasen odgovor: Kitajska se brez napovedi vojne premika, vpliva in vsiljuje nove realnosti.
Kurt Grötsch
*Prevod iz angleščine
Kurt Grosch je nemški akademik in raziskovalec, doktor znanosti z Univerze v Nürnbergu in magistriral iz Madrida; profesor in predavatelj na evropskih in mednarodnih univerzah; specialist za kulturo, komunikacije in kreativne industrije; ustanovitelj več kulturnih centrov in institucij; podpredsednik »China Chair« in veleposlanik Univerze Minzu na Kitajskem. Dr. Kurt Grötsch je soustanovitelj in podpredsednik Cátedra China. Ima diplomo iz filologije in psihologije ter je prejemnik nemškega križca za zasluge.
What Has China Done for VENEZUELA
Without empty rhetorical displays à la Trump or Macron, China moved to take a series of practical measures, starting from its awareness that the United States has turned control over Venezuelan oil into a tool to curb China’s presence in South America and obstruct its unstoppable accelerating development.
China took steps that directly targeted the flotation line of the American empire, because aggression against Venezuela is considered a declaration of war on the project of a multipolar world and on the BRICs group.
Just hours after news spread of the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro, President Xi Jinping called for an emergency meeting of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party, which lasted exactly 120 minutes. No official statements were issued, and no diplomatic threats were made; instead, there was the silence that precedes the storm, as that meeting activated what Chinese strategists call the “comprehensive asymmetric response,” in retaliation for aggression targeting China’s partners in the Western Hemisphere.
Venezuela is considered China’s bridgehead into Latin America within the United States’ “backyard.”
The first phase of the Chinese response began at 9:15 a.m. on January 4, when the People’s Bank of China quietly announced the temporary suspension of all U.S. dollar transactions with companies linked to the American defense sector. Companies such as Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, and General Dynamics woke up to the news that all their dealings with China had been frozen without any prior warning.
At 11:43 a.m. the same day, the State Grid Corporation of China, which operates the largest power grid in the world, announced a comprehensive technical review of all its contracts with American electrical equipment suppliers—a move that in practical terms meant China had begun to decouple from U.S. technology.
At 2:17 p.m., the China National Petroleum Corporation, the largest state-owned oil company in the world, announced a strategic reorganization of its global supply routes. This represented the reactivation of the “energy weapon,” through the cancellation of oil supply contracts to U.S. refineries worth $47 billion annually.
Oil that had been heading to the U.S. East Coast was redirected to India, Brazil, South Africa, and other partners in the Global South. This resulted in a 23% surge in oil prices during a single trading session.
More important than the price jump was the clear strategic message: China is capable of strangling the United States energetically without firing a single shot.
In another move, the China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), which controls about 40% of global maritime transport capacity, implemented what it called “operational route optimization.”
As a result, Chinese vessels began avoiding U.S. ports such as Long Beach, Los Angeles, New York, and Miami. These ports, which rely heavily on Chinese maritime logistics to sustain their supply chains, suddenly found themselves without 35% of their usual container traffic. This constituted a real disaster for major companies like Walmart, Amazon, and Target, which depend on Chinese ships to import Chinese-manufactured goods into U.S. ports, as their supply chains experienced a partial collapse within hours.
What was most striking about these measures was their synchronized timing, which produced a cascading effect that massively amplified the economic impact.
This was not gradual escalation, but a systemic shock designed to disrupt the American capacity to respond.
Before the U.S. government had even finished absorbing this news, China activated a new package of measures: mobilizing the Global South. At 4:22 p.m. on January 4, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi offered Brazil, India, South Africa, Iran, Turkey, Indonesia, and 23 other countries immediate preferential trade terms for any state that publicly committed not to recognize any Venezuelan government that came to power with U.S. support or intervention.
Within less than 24 hours, 19 countries accepted the offer—Brazil was the first, followed by India, South Africa, and Mexico. Thus, the concept of a “multipolar world in practice” was realized.
China succeeded in instantly forming an anti–United States coalition, using economic incentives as a weapon.
The “final touch” came on January 5, when Beijing activated the financial weapon. China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System announced the expansion of its operational capacity to accommodate any international transaction seeking to avoid the U.S.-controlled SWIFT system. This meant that China placed in the hands of the world a complete and effective alternative to the Western financial system. Any country, company, or bank wishing to conduct trade without relying on the American financial infrastructure could now use the Chinese system, which is 97% cheaper and faster.
The response was immediate and overwhelming: in the first 48 hours of operation, transactions worth $89 billion were processed, and the central banks of 34 countries opened operational accounts within the Chinese system, signaling an acceleration of de-dollarization from one of the most important sources of U.S. financing.
On the technological front, China— which controls 60% of global production of rare earth minerals, vital elements for the manufacture of semiconductors and electronic components—announced temporary restrictions on the export of these minerals to any country that supported the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro. This decision raised serious concern among American technology giants such as Apple, Microsoft, Google, and Intel, which depend on Chinese supply chains for essential components, as their production systems were now threatened with collapse within weeks.
Every Chinese move delivers a direct blow to the economic heart of the American empire.
“What has China done for Venezuela?” friends and foes alike ask. What precedes is the clear answer: without declaring war, China moves, influences, and imposes new realities.
Kurt Grötsch
*Kurt Grotsch is german academic and researcher, holder of a PhD from the University of Nuremberg and an MBA from Madrid; professor and lecturer at European and international universities; specialist in culture, communication, and creative industries; founder of several cultural centers and institutions; Vice President of the “China Chair” and Ambassador of Minzu University of China. Dr. Kurt Grötsch is co-founder and vice president of Cátedra China. He holds degrees in philology and psychology, and is a recipient of the German Cross of Merit.
